Now that I have had
some time to think about it, I would like to tie my 8th Blog Post to the idea
of risk preference. My hypothetical construct, Econ Land, was an egalitarian
commune living away from mainstream civilization that had to produce all of its
own goods. In retrospect, I would like to think about the kind of person that
would join such a commune. Would the kind of person choosing to live in Econ
Land be risk preferring, risk averse, or risk neutral? On the one hand, Econ
Land would have little to no crime or any other form of people acting
individually or colluding to the detriment of others, meaning that it might
attract the more risk averse. On the other hand, Econ Land's situation would
mean that it is more vulnerable to the elements -- a harsh winter might cause
severe problems for everyone living there. Additionally, Econ Land would be far
away from modern hospitals, armed police, and likely even a wilderness rescue
station, which is likely a situation preferred by the risk preferring sort. But
if Econ Land's isolated situation is the risk, what is the reward? Maybe the
reward for the risk could actually be Econ Land's less risky aspects, namely a
more peaceful and less violence prone society. I suppose this shows that, as
said in class, people can be risk-preferring in some ways and risk-averse in
others. As I have shown here, sometimes different categories of risk preference
can be connected, and additional risk in one area can reduce the risk in
another.
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(Names have been changed to protect the innocent.)
Last
year, I worked with an organization called Engage that was a part of the University's
Office of Volunteer Programs. The organization's mission was to encourage interested
University of Illinois students to serve local communities while fostering
connections among those students. Engage accomplished this by setting up
service projects for groups of approximately ten students at a time with
not-for-profit organizations in the Central Illinois area. These projects would often
last about three days going from early Friday afternoon to Sunday evening.
Students that volunteered for a given project would serve the organization
during the day and at night would return to a nearby motel for rest and group
bonding activities. Students doing a service project with Engage would be led
by a student leader, which was a position people applied for, who was expected
to help organize service tasks during the day and facilitate group bonding
activities at night. The whole project was overseen by an Office of Volunteer
Programs employee who made sure things ran smoothly and drove the students to
and from the service event.
The
particular service project I am speaking of was one where I was a student
volunteer rather than a leader. The service project was with Habitat for
Humanity, and the group would go to a construction site during the day to help
to build a house meant for an underprivileged family. The student leader on
this project was Nora. Throughout the project, the professional worker on site,
who helped direct our group's construction activities while accomplishing the
construction tasks requiring more risk and skill, was named Larry. Larry's
approach to interacting with our group was to give our group several simple
tasks that needed to get done, such as starting the house's walls by hammering plywood
onto the outside of the house or carrying roof slats up to the roof area,
before going to his own work. He left us to our own devices when it came to
dividing labor. The bulk of this task naturally fell to Nora, since the
University employee assigned to us, named Lynn, preferred to allow students to
manage themselves while remaining as a source of general help and advice in the
background.
The
problem began when Nora started assigning tasks that needed to be done to Lynn,
the other engage members, and I. A pattern developed where Nora would
consistently assign tasks that required the most physical strength to Jim, an
African-American man who, it is worth noting, was tall but of about average
build. Tasks such as lifting the heaviest-looking packs of boards or being the
one to hold the plywood as we were hammering on it reliably fell to Jim. At that
point, Jim was not giving any outward indication that he saw anything out of
the ordinary. However, from my view of the group's "water cooler
talk", by the middle of Saturday several other people in the group were
noticing this enough to quietly talk about it with other group members besides Nora,
Lynn, and Jim. This continued until that night, when our group decided to play
some board games. The big box with all the board games was in our van, so Nora
asked Jim, "Hey Jim, can you get the board games for us?"
Jim
turned and said, "You know, I'm awfully tired from today, can someone else
do it?"
Nora
paused before giggling and saying, "Come on, Jim, you're the strongest guy
here, you can do it!"
Jim
stared at her for a few seconds before snatching the van's keys off the table
and walking out the door saying, "Y'all will never pass up a chance to
work the black man." At that point, everyone's eyes widened, with no one
sure of what to do. Nora stared after him, mouth agape. Some other students had
a very surprised and quizzical look. Yet other students and I gave each other
an "uh-oh" look that suggested we were savvy to what had been
happening.
Lynn,
apparently finally noticing something, got up and asked, "Is something
wrong?"
A
few minutes later, Jim returned before quietly asking Lynn if he could speak to
her. She obliged and they went out to talk in the hallway. A minute later, Lynn
opened the door and asked, "Nora, can you talk to us for a second?"
Nora joined them.
At
that point, I was among the first to press my ear against the door. It was hard
to make out a lot of what they were saying, but from what I could hear, Jim had
accused Nora of assigning him the group's most physically strenuous tasks based
on his race. Nora was distraught at this and refuted it vehemently, saying that
she had assumed that he was the strongest member of the group and that it would
be safest and most efficient for him to perform those tasks. Jim argued that
none of the other men in the group looked any less strong than he was, and
still seemed upset. With Lynn's help, Nora and Jim agreed that they both still
wanted the project to get done and that they still wanted to be part of a fun,
service-oriented group. They reached an agreement that Nora would distribute
the group's physically challenging tasks evenly and give people more choices in
the tasks they preferred to do, while Jim would calmly bring issues up right
away instead of letting them fester and becoming upset. Nora, Lynn, and Jim
re-entered the room, and the night continued on as planned, but there was some
awkwardness among everyone. The next day, Nora's style of leadership changed.
When organizing tasks, she asked if anyone wanted to do a particular task
instead of immediately assigning it to someone. This way, people were doing
tasks they preferred, which, as someone working in this group, I have to say
was more pleasant.
Was
there a "breaking point" in this conflict? It depends on what a
breaking point is. There was no yelling, and no one left the group. But it did
build to the point where it had to be discussed and explicit agreements had to
be reached. People became emotional over it -- Jim was incensed and Nora was
upset. Jim and Nora were awkwardly polite to each other for the rest of the
trip, and did not look each other in the eye much. For everyone else, a certain
awkwardness permeated the group for the rest of the trip.
From
what I can gather, the source of the problem from Jim's perspective was that
Nora was over-controlling the group and seemingly assigning him tasks based on
his race. The subject of leaders over-controlling groups and paying too much
attention to tasks without taking people's feelings into account was covered in
Bolman & Deal. From Nora's perspective, she likely felt, at a glance, that
Jim was the physically strongest member of the group and assigned him tasks
based on what she felt would be safe and efficient. Jim, on the other hand,
allowed his personal issues to fester until he had a very upsetting outburst.
This is similar to the ideas discussed in Model I. From everyone else's
perspective, the source of the problem was a combination of Jim's and Nora's
issues -- Nora could have been less heavy-handed in her control of the group
and more conscious of the implications of her task assignments from an outside
perspective, while Jim could have brought the issue to light in a calmer
manner. It is worth noting, though, that in retrospect everyone contributed to
the problem in a way, since we were all members of the group yet no one that
noticed the pattern in task assignment brought it up with Nora or Lynn, instead
preferring to stick to gossip. Jim's and everyone else's silence on the matter
until Saturday night reminds me of the
self-protection mechanism, where people protect themselves and each other from awkward situations -- in this case, a conversation where the topic of racism
is brought up -- at the expense of learning. Luckily, with Lynn's help, Nora and Jim communicated more openly
and reached an agreement as suggested by Model II. This agreement ultimately
led to more democratic control of the group's activities, which is more
preferred by group members as shown in the textbook.
This
conflict could have been avoided, obviously, if people had been more
communicative from the start. If the members of Engage on the trip had been less
interested in their own self-protection and more in group learning, the
important conversation could have taken place without an outburst, and the
awkwardness of the rest of the trip could have been avoided. Lynn, as the staff
member on the trip, could have been more observant of group dynamics and more proactive in resolving the situation. Larry, as the construction expert
and Habitat for Humanity employee present, could have structured our time with
Habitat for Humanity more instead of leaving us to ourselves. Finally, Nora could have structured our group more
democratically and been more sensitive to appearances and feelings from the start, and not continued pushing Jim to get the board
games when he showed resistance.
Thanks for the bit about risk preference. As I understand things, there is a view that I partially share which says that valuing material well being as a primary end in life is morally corrupting. People who opt in for a commune very well might have a similar view. They want to purge their lives of moral corruption in others and try to get rid of such temptations for themselves. If that is the primary motivation, I'm not sure whether risk preference is the driver at all.
ReplyDelete-------
That's the most interesting story about conflict I've read so far. And you gave quite a complete accounting of the situation. It really does illustrate model one in action, because assumptions were made a priori and then not challenged at all until things got way overheated.
There is an issue that you didn't quite take up, which is whether other white males could have volunteered to do some of the lifting work. If that happened, would the situation with Jim and Nora still have played out as it had? Or might Nora's views have moderated because she could see others doing that work.
I confess to being ignorant about how a house is put together. So I ask this as a pure question. Were there some tasks that were less mundane and required more cognitive awareness? If so, were the same people assigned to those tasks. I believe, once you consider what was at issue, that there is often other evidence that matters but gets overlooked. So I'm asking whether there was such evidence in this case.
While the paragraph on risk preference at the beginning was an interesting mental exercise, I will admit that from a practical perspective, risk preference is likely not the best dimension for analyzing the citizens of Econ Land.
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If other males in the group had volunteered to do the heaviest lifting jobs, it would likely have kept the conflict from escalating as it did. However, Nora was exerting such tight control over group activities that I don't think the idea of volunteering ever really occurred to anyone -- for a while, people just did as Nora told them, which, it is worth noting, was already a lot to do since this was a large construction project. Another factor in people's lack of stepping up was that Jim's tasks were the most physically strenuous and therefore often the least desirable. If Jim had quietly made his feelings clear earlier on, people might have volunteered for Jim's jobs anyway to keep the peace. However, even if Nora's views did moderate before that night, there still would have been a period before the moderation in which she was consistently assigning Jim the most strenuous tasks, which would likely have made Jim at least slightly upset, even if he didn't show it.
All of the ways that the conflict could have been avoided or at least significantly moderated, including the one discussed in our comments, likely factored into our group's awkwardness for the rest of the trip. The rest of us that saw what was going on beforehand knew that there were things we could have done or said to prevent the outburst and hurt feelings, but instead we stuck to idle gossip. We had not been very effective teammates during the trip, and we knew it.
There are definitely some tasks in construction that require more cognitive effort than others, but those jobs require training and practice, so they were taken up by Larry as the professional on site. There would not have been tasks like those available to us.
Thanks for reading. I tried to give lots of details on the setup of my organization this week, because looking at my previous posts and your comments, setting up the situation and giving context for everything has been something I can improve on.